Temptation in the Supreme Court
I have a love-hate relationship with religion.
Born of a German-Jewish father and a mother of Dutch background and atheist tradition who married a Morrisville, Vermont Catholic after being widowed in World War II, I was raised from an early age as a Catholic. As an altar server, I was captive to the Baltimore Catechism, which purveyed a highly proscriptive morality, rife with sin, penance, absolution, atonement, damnation, and the promise of salvation.
But I walked away from religion when I was 18 after reading Dostoevsky’s The Legend of the Grand Inquisitor, a tale within The Brothers Karamazov. But religion did not release its grip on me that easily.
Although Christianity and other orthodoxies have always been attractive to men seeking to hijack their power over humankind, the “love” side of my respect for religion lies not only in the small communities of goodness that dot the worldscape and their capacity to help one another but the peace they offer their faithful in quiet, in song, in ritual, and in good works for one another ̶ spiritual ports in life’s storm.
The origin of Christianity is the emulation of Christ for whom love, forgiveness, freewill, and empathy are all predicates to true Christian practice and works, as expressed in Paul’s letter to the Corinthians (13) which ends, “And now these three remain: faith, hope, and love. But the greatest of these is love.”
Why am I telling you this? Because the religious right’s political engineering that began in the late ‘70s with Phyllis Schlafly, Richard Neuhaus, George Weigel, Paul Weyrich just achieved their greatest victories with the Supreme Court’s reversal of Roe v. Wade, along with their convoluted decisions enhancing gun owners’ rights in a country rife with gun deaths and allowing school prayer.
Reliable polling indicates that while Americans have mixed and nuanced opinions on the complex issues of reproductive freedom, gun rights, and religious practice, a clear majority supports continuing the half-century Constitutional guarantee of reproductive rights for women, reasonable limitations on gun ownership and separation of church and state.
The “hate” in my love-hate relationship with religion comes from the rampant hypocrisy of pseudo-religious orthodoxy that use religion to enhance privilege, power, and profit to engineer a White Christian theocracy in America in direct contravention both of the Constitution it professes to revere and the most basic tenets of Christianity.
The First Amendment’s Establishment Clause prohibits government from making any law “respecting an establishment of religion,” and also prohibits government actions that unduly favor one religion over another.
Conservatives’ self-serving distortion of Christ’s teachings and those of his disciples and their decision to embrace the Satanic gifts of “mystery (miracle), power, and authority” that Christ rejected in the Temptation in the Desert underlie a thinly veiled attempt to create a “Christian” theocracy here in a country which professes to value “life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness” for all. It also forges a powerful and autocratic, male-dominated pseudo-religious hierarchy to exploit mankind’s latent insecurity and fear of absolute freedom when the true tenets of Christianity are love, empathy, and free will.
Laying the groundwork for today’s anti-democratic events, Christian conservatives in the ‘80s and ‘90s understood full well this intrinsic insecurity and weaponized it. It became the orthodoxy of the likes of Jerry Falwell and Bob Jones Sr. and was soon embraced by First Liberty, The Federalist Society, The Heritage Foundation, and the Becket Fund for Religious Liberty.
The early religious right leaders also soon realized that the power to change America lay not in an elected president or in a representative Congress but in appointed court justices and that, done right, their efforts could generate hundreds of millions of supporters and dollars. All conservative members of SCOTUS now are or were members of the Federalist Society.
Now, owning the Supreme Court and securing additional judgeships in many intermediary courts, these religious conservatives are turning the institutions of democracy, and the Constitution that is supposed to guide the work of the courts, to their purposes. The banner